Despite what everyone says to the contrary, Islamic fundamentalism was never an issue worth bandying about until President Gayyoom made it so. And by doing so little does he realize the kind of hornet's nest he has opened up.
In the Maldives, the country is faced with burgeoning social problems. On one side of the spectrum are the so-called parteys comprising of the majority of the nation's youth and on the other side, the bearded and the veiled generally referred to as the Wahhabi's who are being collectively being branded as extremists.
The definition of an extremist, according to the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary: a person who holds extreme views, especially in politics or religion.
Insofar as I am concerned, coming from a tolerant society, extremists too can have their niche in the social order so long as they do not become a threat to the society. They can hold any kind of extreme views, be it in politics or religion – a difference of opinion is not a problem – so long as they do not pose a threat to the rest of us.
Propagating violence and carrying out acts of violence are definitely a threat to any society. Yet today, in this community of ours, this rare breed of humanity known as Maldivians, violence is fast becoming an everyday occurrence.
Coming from a nation where there is more sea than land and according to the tourist brochures where even the sharks are friendly we have to be ashamed of ourselves today to acknowledge that violence has become a fact of everyday life.
Gang warfare conducted with swords, iron bars and flick knives, riot police high on speed clashing with protestors on the streets, the introduction of electric batons and pepper gas as a means of controlling peace loving citizens demanding for their rights has become the norm not only in the capital Male' but the disease has spread to the provinces as well. I wonder if all this has had any effects on the sharks roaming the Maldivian seas purported to be friendly at least up until now.
The military or the Maldivian National Defense Force (the abbreviated letters MNDF stands for Maumoon, Nasreena, Dunya and Farish according to analysts) can be seen in combat gear patrolling the streets of Male' carrying pistols since certain extremist elements blew a home made bomb of the kindergarten variety near the Sultan Park gate, adjacent to the MNDF headquarters. What was especially frightening was that the targets were European tourists, the major contributor to the nation's economy.
What was even more frightening was that President Gayyoom saw fit to launch an attack against a generally peace abiding community on Hemandhoo Island who up until now has shown no inclination towards violence. Sure – they held certain extreme religious views but they have mostly kept to themselves and weren't a threat to anyone until Gayyoom attacked them blindly. He has also launched a policy of unveiling veiled women – all in the name of security measures against terrorism.
And according to the latest news reports members of the Hemandhoo community have called upon the help of Al-Qaeda. Should Al-Qaeda decide to comply with the request of their Muslim brethren, and by doing so target European tourists it would destroy years of hard work by the likes of Champa Afeef, the Universal Group and of course Qasim Ibrahim not to mention a score of others with vested interests in the tourism industry.
I very much doubt we require the expertise of Condolizza Rice or General Norman Schwarzkopf to tell us where the problem lies or the direction the country is headed. A senile old man by the name of Maumoon Abdul Gayyoom and his reluctance to let a smarter younger generation take over the nation's helm is the root cause of the problems facing the nation and unless we consider it our collective responsibility to ease or tease him out of office, we could be facing a national disaster any day.
State terrorism has given birth to terrorism of the kindergarten variety. And we must bear in mind that from little acorns do mighty oaks grow.
Thursday 29 November 2007
A threat to national security? It's your decision
Wednesday 28 November 2007
The Inhuman Rights Commission of the Maldives
Words fail me. If I were ever to have a burst blood vessel it should by all rights have occurred this day. The 26th day of November would forever be imprinted on my memory for various reasons. Let's see if I am capable of communicating my story with its myriad twists and turns.
I woke up early in the morning, had a shower and shave and then donned my combat gear: camouflage pants, steel toed boots and a Polo t-shirt. I made sure I parked my AK-47 at home. I was going to the Department of Penitentiary and Rehabilitation Services armed with bona fide documents that established my identity as a criminal under life sentence.
The morning hours rushed by in a blur. There were e-mails that needed dispatching and meetings to be gone through. By the time I made it to the Penitentiary Department in the company of my brother Adnan it was half past twelve.
"Could you please get these forms stamped," I requested the girl behind the counter and handed over the High Court appeal forms.
"Where's the person?" she asked. She was referring to the person referred to in the documents and by all rights should be under the custody of the Penitentiary Department.
"Right here," I said tapping my chest with all the mock macho bravado I could muster.
"A moment please."
The moment turned into ten minutes. She was obviously consulting with her superiors.
"We cannot stamp these forms," she said, handing me back the forms. "We have not been informed that you are under sentence."
I handed over the court documents that established my credentials as someone under life sentence.
She took a look at it, handed the documents back to me without batting an eyelid.
"We have not been informed you are under sentence."
I realized the futility of arguing with her. I understood she was simply repeating what she was told to relay.
It was the response I had expected so I wasn't stymied. I walked out onto the street and in the company of Mohamed - a friend who had stopped by to pick me up - went straight to the office of the MDP Secretariat.
When I explained my predicament, Juha, who worked at the Secretariat, offered to accompany me to the criminal court. On the way, I suggested we stopped over at the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives to explain my dilemma. There, after introducing Juha and Mohamed to the Director, Nashat, explained my predicament stressing the need for urgency as the time limit for appealing was set to expire on December 2, 2007, according to my lawyer Shair.
"I will get onto this immediately. I'll call the criminal court and try and sort this out. I will call you before two thirty." Two thirty was the time government offices closed.
We walked out onto the street. Juha's suggestion was to leave the matter alone to give Nashat a chance to sort it out. However, having dealt with Nashat on several occasions I knew him and the way the Commission dealt with the requests for upholding individual rights. In my book he was a lackey of the Maldivian government and nothing more.
Mohamed and myself headed straight to the Justice Building. Juha headed back to the Secretariat.
Luck had not entirely deserted me. I happened to bump into the Justice Minister Mueez as he was about to enter the building.
We shook hands and I explained my predicament and stressed the need for urgency. He took me straight into his office - I had to admit the gentleman had class by glancing around his private domain - and immediately phoned Judge Areef and asked him to look into the problem, stressing the need for urgency.
"I do not want him to miss his right to appeal," the Minister stressed putting the phone down. Inside myself, I had to admit that here was someone who genuinely cared about people. He could have brushed me aside the same way Mr. Abdulla Kamaluddeen had done last Sunday evening after giving me an appointment to meet him.
"This meeting should never have taken place. I'm sorry but I have to terminate it," said the Home Minister Kamaluddeen when I explained the difficulties I faced with the Penitentiary Department. I had had the same problem with the Penitentiary Department earlier and the Penitentiary Department was under the jurisdiction of the Home Minister.
He was a Cabinet Minister and I, a convicted felon, who was presumably in hiding. After all I was sentenced in absentia.
I was ushered into Judge Areef's chambers at approximately one thirty p.m. We chattered for about ten minutes and then I was ushered outside while he checked the records personally to ensure whether the Penitentiary Department was informed of my status as a criminal under sentence.
It was around one forty five I received Nashat's call from the Human Rights Commission.
"The fact that you were sentenced in absentia means that you're in hiding and hence not entitled to any legal rights. You do not have the right to appeal either," said Nashat.
"My lawyer Shair says otherwise."
"I have spoken to two different lawyers and they are both of the same opinion."
It was precisely at that moment, the words inadvertently came to my mind. I was not dealing with the Human Rights Commission. I was dealing with the Inhuman Rights Commission of the Maldives.
"Okay - what do you suggest I do?"
"Write a letter to the Penitentiary Department and explain to them that you're under sentence and wish to be arrested," advised Director Nashat.
"Do you think I'm crazy? I do not wish to be arrested. I go there with bona fide documents bearing the letterhead of the criminal court that states I was sentenced in absentia. My requirement is to get the documents stamped in order to file my appeal at the High Court. The Penitentiary Department will decide whether they wish to arrest me or not," saying so I cut the connection.
A few minutes later I was ushered back into Judge Areef's chambers. He convinced me that he had done his duty as per regulations.
The chit reference numbers are 861, 862 / 2007 / 145 - A and it was received by one Miss Khadheeja from the Department of Penitentiary and Rehabilitation Services on September 10, 2007.
It was close to two-thirty when I walked out of the Justice Building. I had had enough excitement to last me the day.
I know the government will try their best to block my appeal because the documents I have in hand would easily prove perjury by members of the police and by extension an attempt to frame me. Nevertheless, I plan on making an appearance at the Penitentiary Department tomorrow.
The document being withheld by the police and the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives will prove I was arrested from two different locations at the same time. Needless to say, all this defies logic.
Monday 19 November 2007
Adios Amigo
I know not what the morrow will bring nor do I know what surprises fate holds in store for me. Yet I feel its time to say sayonara for in all likelihood I will end up in jail - at least for a while.
For those of you who have been following my story let me bring you up to date.
You may recall that I have been making a nuisance of myself at the Police Headquarters almost on a daily basis. I have been requesting for that one document that by all rights ought to have been given into my hands upon my arrest on June 5, 2007. The document that advised me of the reason for my arrest.
Today ( November 19, 2007 ) I had the pleasure of meeting a gentleman by the name of Mumtaz - rank unknown - who was ostensibly in charge of the investigation of my case.
When I explained the need for the document he had one question for me.
"Weren't you given the document earlier?"
"No, I wasn't. I don't necessarily want the original - a copy will be just fine."
"I was in charge of the investigation of your case but until now we've never met. Another chap was dealing with everything and he's currently abroad and even though I've looked for the document that you ask for, it's not to be found anywhere," said Mumtaz.
"Surely there must be a copy of the document on the computer hard disk."
"Yeah, it's possible - the only problem is he (meaning the chap who dealt directly with me) is abroad and there's no way of getting into his files until he's back."
This was beginning to get interesting. The legal officer at the Police Headquarters with whom I had been dealing with during the last week, Jina, had all along insisted that the particular document was not something released to the general public. And now here was another policeman telling me the exact opposite of what Jina had told me. The common factor: I was not going to get that particular piece of paper from the Police Headquarters. It would expose the police and whatever game they had been playing with me all along.
"Fine," I said. "Could you at least explain your position in writing? That bit of paper is evidence I need to present in my defense at the High Court. Time is running and I need to file my appeal as soon as possible."
We parted on the amicable note that he'd consult his superiors and let me have a written reply.
You may recall the response given to me by the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives to my request to intercede on my behalf to obtain this very same document.
Allow me to refresh your memory. 'The police are unwilling to release the document and there's nothing the Commission can do to help.'
I believe I've wasted enough time in seeking something that I'm not going to get. I very much doubt that even a court order would get the police to comply.
I have time till December 9, 2007 to file my appeal. Any number of things could happen in between so I may as well get around to get the case report given to me by the lower court stamped by the Department of Penitentiary and Rehabilitation Services. This would mean that the government and by extension the Penitentiary Department will finally have to acknowledge I am currently under a 25 year sentence. It would be up to the government to decide whether to jail me or keep me hanging loose until the High Court reaches a decision.
The documents I have in hand are enough to prove perjury on the part of the police. When it's time to produce the evidence, God willing, I will have it published for the readers to verify the truth of my story.
I am psychologically prepared to spend the next six months in solitary confinement if necessary. We'll wait and see what happens next. Until then adios - my friends...
Wednesday 7 November 2007
The latest updates: appeal to the High Court
On May 5, 2007 I gave an interview to Al-Jazeeraa accusing the Maldives Police Services for intentionally propagating the proliferation of drugs in the Maldives.
Exactly on June 5, officials of the Drug Enforcement Unit of the Maldives Police Services raided my home without showing any identification or a warrant or authorization note by the authorities.
I was taken to the Male' Custodial Unit and made to wait until the investigation team arrived.
The police handed me a document which advised me of the reason giving details as to why I was being detained. This is in accordance with the regulation set by the police. A person has to be advised of the reason for his arrest within 24 hours from the moment of his arrest. I signed the document and affixed my signature.
This document has to be given to me by the police – everyone else arrested at the same time was given the document – whereas the police failed to provide me with a copy of the same.
The document stated that sometime around 1830 hours on June 5, 2007, on a tip from the public, a team from the DEU (Drug Enforcement Unit) raided a room at M. Fadigge'. ( For the readers information M. Fadigge' is on Carnation Magu, Male. ) There were 3 people in the room in addition to me and they suspected that we were in a state of intoxication. On checking my person they found 4 polythene packets in my fist which contained a brownish powder which they suspected was drugs. I was being detained on suspicion of using drugs. I immediately signed the document and affixed my fingerprint to it. First of all they requested for a sample of my urine.
My response: "Please give me my legal rights before we proceed with the investigation."
I refused to co-operate until my demand was met, which I failed to get.
On June 6, 2007 the investigation team finally arrived and I was taken in for questioning. I had been told I'd be unable to relieve my bladder unless I agreed to give a urine sample.
"I will receive a command from far higher up than you and then I'd be able to go to the toilet." I told the investigator, a youth named Shahid from Huvarafushi Island.
Just as he began questioning I began to feel the need to the toilet.
My physical self works in accordance with certain natural laws that all human beings are subject to and therefore I told the investigator:
"I've received the command. My stomach is upset and I need to go to the toilet. Whether you give me permission or not I'm going to the toilet. Trying and stop me if you can."
The investigator made a gesture to the policeman next to him and he accompanied me to the toilet where I relieved myself.
Once I returned to the investigation room Shahid began questioning me.
"You cannot question me without giving me my legal rights. Period"
The police failed to provide me with my legal rights and hence the investigation came to a dead-end and after 43 days in the Male' Custodial Unit; I was released without any explanations whatsoever.
The following day I took a flight to Colombo. After 5~6 days of relaxing I returned Back to the Maldives.
Having decided that I'd be unable to continue writing for the simple reason of having to spend a large part of my time at the Male' Police Custodial, on October 3, 2007 I decided to leave to Karachi. While I was about to pass the Immigration counter, my passport was confiscated and my luggage offloaded the plane.
According to the Immigration officials the restriction order was issued by the Department of Penitentiary.
The following day I checked with the Penitentiary Department and was told I wasn't under any kind of sentence. Perhaps had I been sentenced in absentia it may fail to register in their computers, I was told.
Next I checked the bulletin board at the criminal court for those sentenced in absentia. My name wasn't on the list and even last week when I checked the board my name had yet to appear on the board.
Following a logical thread, I checked with the Attorney General's office and they confirmed that 2 cases of mine were sent to the criminal court.
Once again I was back at the criminal court and after my non-relenting efforts, the girl behind the counter agreed that I was sentenced on 2 counts in absentia on September 9, 2007. I had not received a summons to attend the court nor had my name been announced on the radio or TV as a missing person.
I was sentenced for life imprisonment in jail (25 years) and an additional 4 months for disobedience to order.
The next step was to request for the case documents from the court. After complying with the court's bureaucratic requirements I was given the documents.
The court documents stated that I was found standing outside the door of M.Sadikuge, in a state of intoxication, in the lane opposite the shop named 'Items' with another person. On checking my person they found 4 polythene packets containing a brownish powder like substance in my right fist. According to the lab reports the 4 packets contained 1.5688 grams of opiates. Therefore that it was the decision of the court since witnesses – the witnesses in this case were several policemen - who under oath had given evidence against me in court and therefore it was the decision of the court that I had retained illegal substances in my hand with intent to sell. The sentence: 25 years in jail.
Four months sentence was accorded for having objected to give a urine sample requested by the police.
The case defies logic for the simple reason that I was not taken from a room in M.Fadigge' on Carnation Magu as the police claimed but I was taken from my home at M. Midhilimaage. I live in a one-room apartment in the lane opposite the "Items' shop which is on a different street named Shaariuvarudhee in Male' and insofar as I'm aware there is no such address named M. Sadikuge' in the lane opposite the 'Items' shop.
On October 21, 2007 I put in a request directly to the Maldives Police Services for the document that advised me of the reason for my detention and duplicated the same request through the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives.
The HRC has given me a reply today. They have been given a copy of the document with instructions to withhold the document from me. Apparently regulations have changed; this document is no longer given to the defendent. Period.
As re-stated earlier this one document would prove that the police are out to frame me as they have tried several times in the past. They have tried to pin a charge for attempted murder during the year 2000 and they had lodged charges against me through the Interpol Branch of the Sri Lankan CID for gun-running and illegal radio broadcasting in December 2005. On both these occasions the Maldivian government was discredited for failing to prove the charges.
And now I am faced with another dilemma. I went down to the High Court in order to submit my appeal contesting the government's charges for illegal possession of drugs with intent to sell and of course the disobedience to order charges.
The High Court refused to accept my appeal on the grounds that the documents need to be stamped by the Department of Penitentiary as I was under sentence.
I went down to the Penitentiary Department and was told that they had yet to receive notification of my sentence and therefore they could not stamp the documents.
The authorities have the right to take me to jail at any time and there goes my right to appeal right down the drain.
I might have found the whole thing funny except for the fact that I have a Damocles sword poised to fall right on my neck.
I have also been offered a way out of the entire dilemma by someone capable of fixing it. A member of the Gayyoom clan. Some may call me a fool but I'd feel happier to go down fighting.
By Ali Rasheed, 7 November 2007, Published in www.dhivehiobserver.com
Tuesday 6 November 2007
Gayyoom discards trying to get on the political bandwagon
A new political party – it's the season for political parties – is looming on the horizon comprising of all PhD. holders at its helm.
"The decision has been made to form a new political party," said Dr. Musthafa Luthfee, former Tourism Minister in an interview given to Al-Jazeera daily.
"Those at the vanguard working to form a new political party are Dr. Muhammad Waheed Hassan Manik with experience in the field of education and Dr. Muhammad Ali who has a doctorate in Environmental Studies," said Dr. Luthfee.According to Dr. Luthfee there are many Maldivians on the neutral side of the political divide and this would provide an opportunity for them to participate in national politics.
"We reached a decision to form a new party because there are many out there with similar thinking and this should provide an opportunity for them to unite together to work towards the betterment of this nation."
"The initial 50 signatories necessary to form a political party have been already obtained and we are in the process of obtaining more signatories and expect to register ourselves as a political party in the near future," confirmed Dr. Luthfee.
Dr. Luthfee and Dr. Muhammad Waheed Hassan Manik have been part of the Gayyoom regime and for reasons best known to them had decided to cut their links with the aging dictator.
Dr. Muhammad Waheed Hassan Manik has long aspired to the Presidency but whenever push had come to shove had chickened out and run away but whenever others had put themselves on the line and gained some forward momentum Dr. Waheed comes back hoping to claim credit for others efforts. As the pro-Golhaa websites has aptly named, he is none other than Dr. 'Run-away' Waheed. But then people are basically intelligent enough to recognize the men from the boys and don't necessarily have to be told they are looking at someone in disguise.
Dr. Waheed was a former candidate for the MDP presidency but when he failed, left town and now that the hard work and sacrifice of others have paved the way to compete with President Gayyoom he is hoping to jump back on to the political bandwagon and posture himself as a Presidential hopeful.
Yet – yes, yet if he or Dr. Musthafa Luthfee cares a whit about the Maldivian people, 42% of whom live below the poverty line – according to the UN it's less than US$2.00 a day – it would be best if all united under the same banner to take Gayyoom out of the equation because he is not only a menace to society but whose presence endangers the security of this nation.
By Ali Rasheed, 6 November 2007 - published in http://www.dhivehiobserver.com/
Sunday 4 November 2007
Stumbling into a hornet’s nest
On 3rd November 1988 I was on the island of Isdhoo-Kalaidhoo, on a diving trip.The fact that guerilla fighters from the Peoples' Liberation Army had attacked Male was only learnt through information filtering in from different sources. Without being on the scene, yet, I have the temerity to assume that it was the former Defense Minister Ilyas Ibrahim who financed the coup and set up Sikka as the fall guy. Not without reason
What made me suspicious was the inconsistencies in the newspaper reports published in Haveeru in the aftermath of the incident. Someone had been in a hurry and had done a slipshod job in covering the facts.
One: If I were a terrorist, I would not politely knock on the Defense Minister's door and enquire whether he was home. I'd give the door the boot and shoot anything that looked suspicious.
The newspaper reports indicated that Ilyas had personally answered the knock on the door, said the Minister wasn't at home, closed the door in the terrorist's face and performed a small miracle by jumping over the wall from the back of the house. Given his girth and size and the height of Kibigasdhoshuge' (Ilyas's residence) wall I would find it hard to believe that he could perform such a feat accompanied by his wife Amal who was equally chubby. To give credence to the story he had had his leg bandaged and plastered.
Two: The key to the armoury at the NSS headquarters was at Ilyas's home when the Tamils launched their attack. The Maldivian government had prior knowledge of an impending attack by Tamil rebels though the actual date was unknown; it did not make sense to leave the army devoid of ammunition. According to my informant it was Ibrahim Didi, the communications expert, who later took the armoury keys from Ilyas and threw it over the wall into the NSS building.
Three: Training of 80 ~ 100 guerilla fighters for over a year would consume a sizable amount of money. Furthermore, the guerillas possessed light machine guns, rocket propelled grenades and plastic explosive in addition to the light arms – AK-47's. If my assumption is right the entire package would have cost at a rough guess at least 3 million dollars and the person capable of financing such a sum at the time was Ilyas and he had the motive and the resources at his disposal to pull off the coup. As for the top brass of the military, Ilyas had nurtured their loyalty from the moment he assumed office by the use of the funds at his disposal. Maldives, after all comes a close second to Israel in military expenditure in terms of GNP. According to the CIA Factbook, a web site run by the CIA, Israel spends 7.5% of the GNP while Maldives spends 5.5% of the nation's GNP on Defense.
Three: I very much doubt Uma Maheshwaran ( the Head of the PLOTE ) would be willing to shell out millions of dollars and risk his men's lives merely on the promise of an island for development of a resort.
A thorough research of the newspaper reports concerning the 3rd November incident would provide many such inconsistencies to make the reader recoil with horror at the ruthlessness of the people involved. The truth would have brought down the Gayyoom regime for several reasons. The High Command of the military is responsible for the lives of the troops under them and their hunger for power and money completely disregarded their responsibilities to their troops with the result that a number of them lost their lives not knowing it was the military High Command who was responsible for the death of a number of troops. It could possibly have brought about a mutiny within the rank and file members and one could easily surmise that it was one of Gayyoom's reasons for covering up the whole affair and later using those responsible to do his dirty work. He was after all the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and ultimately responsible for the welfare of the entire National Security Service which includes today's Maldives Police Services.
Perhaps now one can understand why Adam Zahir is more powerful than any Cabinet Minister. He is not only privy to all the secrets but he himself is implicated. In a way, their's is a marriage of convenience and none can bring the other to justice so long as the present old guard remains in power.
One thing Gayyoom did right: He named the Police Headquarters 'Shaheed Hussain Adam' building.
____________
Also Read Eyewitness account of 1988 coup attempt and aftermath
When the going gets tough the tough get going
I believe it's time to redefine the meaning of terrorism.
Okay, friend - I'll ask you a question. Terror is synonymous with fear. So tell me. How can you terrorize someone who knows not the meaning of fear?
Our friend Brigadier Adam Zahir at the Maldives Police Services seems to think otherwise. He is under the impression that the uniformed heavies he employs can instil terror. They might in some people but not those who have graduated from the gutters.
In all my life there are few words in English which I have tried to understand but failed miserably. Danger, fear and surrender - I've heard the words but am still contemplating about it's true meaning. Perhaps some day I may understand. Perhaps not.
For now - the trap set by Adam Zahir has recoiled back on him.
According to the regulations set by the police they are supposed to inform a person the reasons for his arrest within 24 hours from the moment of arrest.
I was informed of the reasons. It states that I was arrested on suspicion of smoking drugs in a room at M. Fadigge' - my parent's address - whereas the court documents states that I was standing outside the door of M. Sadikuge' in front of the shop named 'Items'. Since I have read the documents I have been looking for this Sadikuge' but so far I have not succeeded. Maybe it's time to get into a taxi and check it out for taxi drivers are normally privy to a lot of places that we ordinary folks do not know.
The one document that I have yet to obtain is the document that advised me of the reasons for my arrest. Since October 21, 2007 I have been repeatedly requesting for this document from the Maldives Police Services but the girls behind the counter simply says DEU - DEU… (Drug Enforcement Unit)
And I on my part have given the police an ultimatum. Starting from 9 September 2007 - the date I was sentenced - they have 90 days. There are 3 choices. One: Give me the required document. Two: Give me back my passport. Three: Give me a job at the Maldives Police Services. The choice is Adam Zahir's to make.
Okay - the police have sworn at the court but it doesn't mean a thing. The one thing I know is that a person cannot be in two different locations at the same time.
Time is running and Adam Zahir may perhaps be able to teach me the real meaning of terrorism.
by Ali Rasheed, 03 November 2007
Am I to face the same fate as Fahala Saeed?
On June 5, 2007, I gave an interview to Al-Jazeera accusing the Maldives Police Services of proliferating the drugs-culture in the Maldives. It is the simple truth as the public believes. Exactly a month later – on June 5, 2007, members of the Drug Enforcement Unit of the Maldives Police Services barged into my home – there was a friend named Shareef inside at the time – handcuffed us and took us both to the Male' Police Custodial.
Before they checked us in, we were informed that we were being arrested on suspicion of possessing and using drugs in a room at M. Fadigge. Four of us were taken that night – 2 men who were outside my home – and all of us were made to sign this document with our fingerprints affixed prior to being assigned our cell.
As usual, I refused to cooperate with the cops. They neither did get a urine sample nor a statement from me and after 43 days of being subjected to their hospitality released me. Just told me to go; that was all the instructions I got.
On the first week of this month I discovered I had been sentenced in absentia. I was sentenced on 2 counts on September 9, 2007: disobedience to order and possession of drugs with intent to sell. I had been in town; yet they had failed to send me a summons to the court.
Last Friday, I got the court reports and to my chagrin, discovered I had been framed by the cops. The address where I was picked up was changed including several other details such as the number of people in the room. I have yet to appeal to the High Court though I am sceptical as to whether it would make any difference.
In the past Gayyoom had tried to frame me on charges of attempted murder, gun running and even giving bad advice to little children. Therefore one more attempt to frame me doesn't surprise me at all.
This time, however, I am prepared to prove that Gayyoom and Adam Zahir are intent on having me framed. Whether I succeed or not is a different matter but I will not give in to their blackmail: win or lose I will fight.
The one document that the police cannot doctor is the one that I had signed and had my finger-print affixed to it. This document was excluded from the court report even though the report will not be complete without it. If the police part with a copy of this particular document, I can easily prove the cops are intent on framing me and put me away for life. If they refuse to part with it, they obviously have something to hide.
The cops have another option too. They can simply put me in jail on the basis of the lower court's decision and let me wriggle around like a trapped fish in a cell in Maafushi Jail while the High Court takes their own sweet time in reaching a decision.
All this reminds me of the conclusion made by the Professor Paul Robinson of Pennsylvania (USA) who did research into the Maldives justice system sponsored by the UNDP couple of years ago. His report rightly concluded that "The Maldivian criminal justice system systematically fails to do justice and regularly does injustice."
By Ali Rasheed, 22 October 2007
Latest in a series of dirty tricks
Considering the fact that the population of the Maldives is around 300,000 people, 70% of them are under 35 years of age. It works to around 210,000 people. That's the total number of youth in this country and 40% of them are unemployed.
Perhaps you may surmise it is the lack of jobs that is the problem. Not so. The problem is drugs: mostly brown sugar. 40% of the youth are jobless, aimlessly hanging around and the natural cycle ending in finding solace in drugs with the result crime rates soaring to unprecedented heights.
I blame 29 years of Gayyoom's rule and his brand of social engineering for the status-quo. The youth, if involved in politics represents the most dangerous segment of the society. Hence for the ruling elite their job would be much easier should this lot be kept sedated.
This was more or less my message to the Al-Jazeera TV viewing public.
It took exactly one month for members of the Maldives Police Services to raid my home without showing any form of identification or a warrant before they defied the sanctity of my home. They allege that they discovered 1.5 grams of heroin in my fist.
It was on June 5, 2007 that I was taken into police custody. I refused to give them a urine sample nor did I answer any of their questions. I wanted my legal rights before we proceeded with the investigation which I failed to get.
After 43 days in Male' Custodial I was released without any explanation.
The next day I took a flight to Colombo, spent 5 days unwinding and returned back to the Maldives.
All those days in jail I did little else but think and I had decided if I wished to continue working it was imperative I leave the country. Hence I decided to immigrate to Pakistan for a couple of years.
Having made my reservations earlier I went to the airport and checked in only to have my passport confiscated by the Immigrations and my luggage off-loaded from the plane.
No explanations were offered. The only information available was that the restriction order had come from the Department of Penitentiary. I checked with the Penitentiary Department and I was told that their computers failed to show I was under sentence. Perhaps had I been sentenced in absentia it may not show on the computer, we were told.
I went down to the criminal court, checked the bulletin board of those sentenced in absentia and failed to find my name on the list.
Still not satisfied, I called a friend at the Attorney General's Office and was told that a disobedience to order case and drugs possession case were forwarded to the courts.
Back at the court, I insisted that the girl behind the computer look carefully and sure enough the computers in the court showed that I was sentenced for life in absentia. And they hadn't even bothered to send me a summons to attend court.
All this secrecy on the part of the government at first baffled me. Later I realized that I would not have had the chance to appeal the case in the High Court should 90 days expire. It would mean that I would have accepted the verdict of the lower court.
A neat trap but because of the passport issue, I hope to have at least obtained a fighting chance from being framed.
By Ali Rasheed, 17 October 2007
Reflections from exile
Introduction: 1991
Had it not been for Anni ( Mohamed Nasheed ) life may have taken a different course.
I was at the back of the shop with my colleague Ibu when Anni poked his head around the partition where we did our printing. The front was our show-case and retail outlet. 'Nice Guys' as the name board outside read was on Faamudheyri Magu, a busy section of the so-called Singapore Bazaar in the Maldives' capital, Male'.
"Hi guys."
"Hello," replied Ibu, glancing up from the drawing he was working on.
It took a while for Anni to get to the point. Anni, small made and in his early twenties had recently returned home after completing his studies in UK.
"We are registering a weekly paper…, said Anni to no one in particular.
"And what makes you think your paper would be any different from the rest of the stuff published locally. This is not a country where you can voice opinions publicly," I said. The topic interested me.
"Aha. Then you haven't been listening to the news. In a televised interview President Gayyoom has stated his commitment to broadening the role of the press. This means our views could be aired openly without running the risk of getting prosecuted."
"Our paper is going to be called 'Sangu.'
I couldn't help but smile. 'Sangu' was the local name for the conch shell. It was traditionally used to summon the masses together and up until the early seventies it was used widely in the fishing villages. The conch makes a loud noise when blown. Well…, the voice of the people gotta be loud if it's to be heard, I surmised. It sure sounded appropriate.
"We're going to cover the political issues of the times," said Anni.
I was becoming more and more curious.
"Who and who are involved?" I asked.
"Sappey (Mohamed Shafeeq – Group X) is going to be the editor. Maizan Hassan Manik and Ahmed Abbas are the cartoonists. I too will be writing for the paper."
Maizan Hassan Manik and Ahmed Abbas were the artists who created the latest bank notes. They designed the current issue of the Rufiyaa, the local currency. If they were involved this whole venture of Anni's sounded like serious business.
"Why don't you write for us too," said Anni as a parting shot, while walking out of 'Nice Guys.'
*******************************************************
I wrote just one article about the inequality running rampant in the Maldivian society; how it was tearing apart the very fabric of our society, quoting examples from the November 3rd armed attack by Tamil guerillas against the Maldivian army and its aftermath and about the disillusionment of the army. It was enough.
The kooks came crawling out of the woodwork. The disillusioned and the damned. People whose voices had been stifled for over a generation. This was their chance to be heard. People I didn't know met me, talked with me, encouraged me to continue writing. I was to champion the cause of the downtrodden masses.
Sangu was an instant success. Overnight it became the fastest selling paper in the country breaking all previous records. Anni and Sappey became instant local heroes. And the government was becoming worried.
For one thing the government hadn't envisaged the extent of the peoples' thirst for the truth. And they had little control over the youngsters involved. Further, the success of Sangu led to the birth of two more weeklies. Both by equally radical elements. Government issued public statements warning the populace of the dangers inherent in the radical ideas propagated by the news media. Cabinet Ministers talked openly, calling into question the credibility of our young writers, all of whom were in their early twenties.
The next weekly to get registered was 'Hukuru' with the same political agenda as Sangu. The weekly Hukuru was written and published by the Addu intelligentsia, representing the interest of the southerners. They too may have been surprised by the overnight success of their efforts.
Nearly two months had passed. Sangu had honed in on Ilyas Ibrahim, the brother-in-law of President Gayyoom who held a variety of portfolios in Gayyoom's cabinet. The man was a power unto himself: he was in charge of the Ministry of Defense and National Security in addition to being the Minister of Trade. Furthermore, the largest state controlled business conglomerate in the country was managed personally by the man and the number of Ilyas's cronies getting rich by State awarded contracts and kickbacks was a well known public secret. Up until Sangu no one had dared to voice the stories of corruption. Hukuru too, jumped into the bandwagon and began targeting Ilyas.
The third paper to hone in on the excitement was 'Manthiri.' Manthiri was the Maldivian name for the queen in the chess game. Aptly named, for the queen is the most powerful player in the chess game. The idea behind was quite obvious. Someone was out to checkmate President Gayyoom.
The man behind Manthiri was Dr. Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik, the Male' member of Parliament. Manthiri – before it could commence its play on the nation's political chessboard faced a host of problems. Their biggest concern was nobody was willing to print the magazine. Everyone knew the axe was going to fall for certain: the only question was when it was going to happen. The country as a whole supported the newly born democratic movement, the heretofore unknown freedom of the press, but were personally unwilling to put their necks on the line. Manthiri finally did go to press with their first issue; only they had to get their printing done in neighboring Sri Lanka.
When all the excitement reached the peak I was in Trivandrum in India, trying to garner overseas support in the Indian papers, specifically the Indian Express, the second largest daily in India.
I had the pleasure of meeting the Indian Express bureau chief, Mr. Madhavan Kutty. He made me submit a few notes about the prevailing political winds in the Maldives and promised he'd fax the material to New Delhi with a request for publication approval as editorial policy was set in New Delhi.
I hung around in Trivandrum – killing time. It was an Indian friend by the name of Roderick who told me I was being followed. It wasn't I who had told him about my involvement with the Indian Express, but obviously someone had, for he was privy to all my doings since I arrived in India.
"Thanks for the tip. Let me know if it gets serious," I told him.
Outwardly I still maintained my cool but I knew this was getting serious. If I was being tailed – and there was no reason for Roderick to lie – it meant only one thing. The Indian intelligence was involved. I had had no previous experience with spooks but from what I had read and heard about the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of the Indian Defense Department, I had cause to worry.
It took about 10 days for Madhavan Kutty to call back. He had some surprising information for me. According to him, he had telexed a copy of my article to his Head Office in New Delhi and instead of approving it for publication he had received an assignment to cover the Indian Prime Minister Pratap Singh's visit to the Maldives scheduled two weeks ahead.
Mr. Kutty asked me to set up appointments with the people involved in the free press movement in Male' and I promised to oblige him. I was happy, because here was the opportunity to express our views in print in a foreign paper.
Through Roderick I was able to secure a seat on the weekend flight to Male'. I was excited to be involved and contributing something significant to help shape the destiny of my nation. Idiot that I was, little did I realize that I'd have to pay for the consequences of my misguided enthusiasm.
During the two months I was away in India, events had taken a bizarre turn in Male'. The government had gone to the extent of providing national TV coverage of the press interviews. And Anni had already become a household word, not only in Male' but in the provinces as well. His fearlessness in asking direct and pointblank questions of Cabinet Ministers about the way their Ministries were run – the sort of questions that had been taboo until then – made him the scourge of all upper-level government officials. And the results had been more than successful.
As a result of the misuse of public funds by high level government officials – no government department was immune from corruption – and particularly Anni's efforts through the media, led to the investigation of corruption charges against one Mr. Abdul Sattar Ali – more popularly known as Satto – the Deputy Director of the State Trading Organization. Subsequently Satto was arrested and charged with misappropriation of government funds. He was expected to finger Ilyas for whom he had been fronting.
It was around this time Fahmy met me at home one day. For Fahmy, who had been a victim of the government, having undergone the worst kind of tortures at the Dhoonidhoo detention center, this was a heaven sent opportunity to even the score with the government and with Ilyas in particular. He had been most active: he had written for both Sangu and Hukuru and he had made some choice comments about Gayyoom's regime.
"Look," said Fahmy. "Manthiri has found a Sri Lankan publisher willing to undertake the printing. You gotta give us something for the issue."
***********************************
During the same period, President Gayyoom had made clear in a speech that he was unwilling to protect traitors anymore. Quite naturally, the whole nation assumed he was making an indirect reference to his brother-in-law Ilyas, who was involved head over heels in the corruption issue.
Having been a former employee of Ilyas at the State Trading Organization I was aware of the people he used to manage his personal finances. There was one chap in particular: a Swiss named Marco Odermatt. His involvement with the Maldives began with the setting up of a diving base at Kurumba Village, a holiday resort formerly owned by one Mr. Naseem, brother-in-law of former President Ibrahim Nasir.
Shortly after Gayyoom had come into power, it was alleged that Naseem, with the help of Odermatt, had tried to recruit members of the IRA (Irish Republican Army) to launch a coup against Gayyoom. The coup had failed in part because Odermatt had been secretly in touch with Ilyas, providing the Defense Ministry with details of Naseem's plans. Naseem and and almost his entire family was arrested and his family wealth which included a number of resorts, confiscated by the government. Thereafter, it did not take long for Odermatt to amass the millions he did. Ilyas provided him with a lot of lucrative business contracts, and he in turn managed Ilyas's Swiss portfolio of skimmed public funds. It did not take long for Odermatt to be appointed the Honorary Consul in Switzerland by the Maldivian government, providing him with diplomatic cover for his activities.
It was about the Odermatt connection I wrote. In the letters column of Manthiri, I made an appeal to the readership to call for the investigation of Satto/Ilyas/Odermatt connection. If this line was followed, I argued, the real traitors would be found.
It would have led not only to the missing funds, but would have unearthed a hornet's nest of double dealing by people closest to President Gayyoom including the top brass of the National Security Service. The one exception was Moosa Jaleel. I had been guessing that the 3rd November '88 armed attack by Tamil guerillas were financed by Ilyas and this very same Odermatt had played a major role in setting it up. As events later proved, my guesses were right on target. It was Ambaree Abdul Sattar, Ilyas's successor at the Defense Ministry who inadvertently let slip I had been right all along.
Just about a week after my tete-a-tete with Fahmy – all sorts of rumours about Satto, who was still in jail and Ilyas was making the rounds in the capital – Ilyas suddenly flew the coop. One fine morning he commandeered an Air Maldives aircraft – Ilyas held the post of Chairman of Air Maldives in addition to his many other portfolios – and simply flew away to neighbouring Sri Lanka with his wife. From there he took a commercial flight to London.
President Gayyoom, in a statement broadcasted nationally explained to the public that Ilyas had left without the permission of the government and he, as President, was henceforth dismissing him from public service.
President Gayyoom had achieved his objective of removing Ilyas from the scene. He had orchestrated it with the help of the media. The media was no longer needed.
Sangu was de-registered and Hukuru was told to close up shop in no uncertain terms.
The editor of Hukuru was a southerner living in hired premises in Male' and quite suddenly he found himself served an eviction notice.
The first issue of Manthiri, published in Sri Lanka, did not see the light of day. It was confiscated by the Air Port Customs.
Ilyas, on reaching London, had not remained idle. Through his sister Nasreena, the First Lady, he had begun negotiations with President Gayyooom. Approximately 3 months after he fled the country, he was back. Obviously he had obtained iron-clad guarantees and was certain Gayyoom was not going to touch him.
President Gayyoom, in the meantime had to come up with a public explanation for both Ilyas's absence and presence. In another public broadcast, he explained away the incident: the man hah had a sudden bout of sickness. It was the reason for his sudden departure.
No one was fooled. Least of all the public. However, the Maldives was not a place where you voiced your opinions openly. If you had disagreements you kept it to yourself. Or else you may find yourself facing criminal charges.
In the midst of all these happenings bombs began to go off in the capital. The first explosion took place on the grounds of a rarely used mosque. The next one went off in a beached speedboat on a slipway in the east of the city.
A fire started on the first floor of the Alia Building, the second tallest structure in the capital. The army was called in to help put out the fire: nevertheless the entire building was consumed in the fire.
The largest hardware store in Male', Dimms, was set alight during early dawn one day. Once again in the presence of army fire fighters the entire building was consumed by the fire. The arsonists were later apprehended: they turned out to be a few unruly youngsters out for a night's fun or so the investigation revealed; their real motives or the key players behind the incident – if there were any such persons – were never found.
It was around this period I came to know Mr. Kutty, a short dapper man with a comical walk. He worked at the Indian High Commission. Though he was the First Secretary at the High Commission, I believed that it was a cover for other activities.
I cannot exactly recall whether it was he or me who initiated the conversation in a chance meeting at a café near our shop, but talk we did, with Kutty promising to obtain a copy of the Indian Express article covering Mr. V.P.Singh, the Indian Prime Minister's visit to the Maldives.
Kutty even invited me to his home, a flat leased by the Indian Embassy in Male'. During a political discussion at his home, he introduced the subject of political parties.
"In a recent interview to the Indian press – in answer to a reporter's question concerning the non-existence of political parties in your country – your President had stated that political parties are not banned by law in the Maldives, they're in fact very much legal, except that no one has approached the government with a proposal to register a political party," said Kutty.
I could not help laughing.
"It may be true. It's possibly because no one wants to commit suicide. Even a hint of active interest in politics – leave alone political parties – is enough to get you into trouble with the authorities."
"Don't you think it may be a worthwhile idea to give it a try. Perhaps the political climate is changing."
"It's an interesting idea. I'll talk it over with a few people. See how they react."
I discussed the idea with Dr. Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik and a couple of others. They were all skeptical about the outcome. Nevertheless, I went down to the Home Ministry, obtained the necessary forms for the registration of a political party. I too was interested in seeing the outcome of such a proposal.
A couple of days later – I had yet to submit the forms – the President gave an interview to Haveeru, the largest selling daily newspaper in the Maldives, expressing his personal feelings about a multi-party democracy for the nation. He felt the country was too small for the type of factionalism that would be generated by the existence of political parties. Rather than go for a multi-party system, he felt a multi-candidacy democracy would be more suitable: whatever that was.
Immediately I forgot about political parties. If I wished to remain healthy, it was imperative I kept away from politically oriented discussions. There was a message there in the President's words.
I had this uncanny feeling that I, or rather we had been manipulated. Using the offices of the Indian High Commission, the President had very neatly managed the scenario to finally nip our plans in the bud.
Once again Ilyas was re-instated back in power, this time he was given the much coveted portfolio of the Minister of Atolls Administration. Those who unwittingly played along with the President in ousting out Ilyas was definitely going to be hit; and sure enough, the axe did not take long enough to fall. Shortly before Ilyas's appointment to the Atolls Ministry, my father tried to convince me to join the government. I refused. I had been in the government earlier and it hadn't worked out.
Anni and Sappey, the editor of Sangu was charged with the terrorism act along with a handful of others. The guys from Manthiri fared no better. They too were charged under the same terrorism act. According to the government, these people were responsible for the recent bomb blasts.
I, who had foreseen the axe about to fall, did some quick thinking and got in touch with Ambaree Abdul Sattar, Ilyas's successor at the Defense Ministry. In a phone conversation, he asked me whether I had any information about those blowing bombs in the city. As a matter of fact, I was never aware who was responsible. I had only a few vague ideas.
"I personally feel Ilyas is responsible for all the agitation. He certainly has the most to gain from the unrest."
He wished to know how I had rationalized and arrived at this conclusion.
I told him about my letter to Manthiri, about Ilyas's involvement in the armed attack of 3rd November '88.
He had seen Manthiri.; obviously he had known about Ilyas's involvement long before: they had merely wanted to find out how it was done and I had unwittingly revealed the Odermatt connection without being aware of the consequences.
So, dear reader, as you can imagine I was by now on someone's hit list; a very powerful someone. And that's how I came to face charges of drug trafficking and ultimately having to spend eleven and a half years – the best years of my youth – in exile, criss-crossing the island nation and landing up in jail in between. Well now, here's the story…
The Vavathi Tight
For once President Gayyoom seems to be sticking to his promise to make the Maldives a drug-free zone. Seems - mind you; it's not certain though.
It's been almost two months since Gayyoom publicly vowed to put a stop to the influx of drugs into the Maldives. Within this period there has been several large drug busts - mostly carriers of heroin flying in from neighbouring Colombo, Trivandrum and Karachi. The safes inside the Maldives Police Services - or wherever they may be storing this bonanza - is likely to be filled to capacity at present.
According to news reports, during this week almost two tonnes of drugs have been found stored underwater. This bit of sleuthing was not the work of the police though. Some locals from Dhiffushi Island in Male' Atoll discovered this well hidden cache by chance and informed the authorities. As envisaged this shipment too has ended up somewhere inside the Maldives Police Services.
At the begining of the campaign to make the Maldives a drug free zone Commissioner of Police Brigadier Adam Zahir directed his attack at the youth who rule the streets of Male' with box cutters and flick knives. Even though this lot - known as the 'parteys' - were uprooted from the streets and dumped inside the jails it did little to stop the flow of drugs on the streets. The supply of heroin continued unabated. With the jails filled to capacity, the authorities were faced with a major problem. Violence and police brutality became the common denominator. The local papers homed in on the issues of police brutality, ultimately forcing Gayyoom to release some of the parteys. Gayyoom simply did not have the capacity inside his jails to keep street demonstrators, news reporters and other undesirables locked up.
Just three days back the supply of drugs in the capital mysteriously stopped. Addicts, driven by the craving for heroin could be seen lined up at different spots all over the capital, with scant regard for the police vehicles that cruised by. The Vavathi Tight was in effect with full force. At this point the readers may wonder about the meaning of the word 'Vavathi'. Vavathi is simply the name of the Police Commissioner Adam Zahir's home. Since none of the wholesale dealers in the capital had gotten busted, analysts assumed that the major supplier had simply tightened the control of supply. Thus it was named the Vavathi Tight.
In most countries drugs confiscated by the police are burned publicly. In the Maldives, this happens rarely. And even on the rare occasion it does happen there is no independent authority to do a substance check of the drugs that are burnt. Furthermore, there is no independent accounting of the drugs confiscated by the police. The police are free to do whatever they please; no system of checks and balances exist as yet. Sad, but true. The end result: a nation of morally bankrupt youth, jobless and simply existing without any direction in life and an all powerful snake-charming Police Commissioner with the mind of a Mafia don.
At this point one may well ask the question. It is certainly not in the interests of the authorities to put a stop to the traffic in heroin. Since it keeps the most dangerous segment of the society - the youth - from becoming politically active why should a proven dictator of Gayyoom's calibre wish to clean up this lot and help find them a direction in life to become productive members of society? They are certain to hate Gayyoom for having destroyed their youth and stripped them of all dignity. The answer is actually quite simple. There are courageous members active in the media, brave enough to call a spade a spade and they have forced Gayyoom's hands. Today President Gayyoom's political survival is dependent on appeasing the enraged masses.
Just today, to top it all, rumours - not proven as yet - abound, about yet another hidden cache. This time it was supposed to have been found in an undersea secret spot near Dhonakulhi Island, a yatch marina. The investment was just recently sold by President Gayyoom's son Farish to foreign interests. Analysts have begun to wonder about the extent of President Gayyoom's involvement in the traffic in the drug trade. It has become quite obvious that Maldives is a transhipment point for drug traffic into Europe and the West in general. The quantities found is simply too large for consumption for the local market. The hidden hands or rather the local agents are without question people in the upper brackets of power in the Maldivian government.
What may happen tomorrow is anyone's guess. Since President Gayyoom is desperately in need of cash to fund his failing dictatorship anything is possible. He may even decide to export his recently confiscated supply of drugs to the West where kaffirs abound in plenty. Will Interpol stand by and simply watch a tin-pot dictator of Gayyoom's calibre play the kind of games played by Colombian drug barons?
Only a matter of time
The end is nigh and President Gayyoom, wavering on the edge of a precipice looks as though the slightest nudge could send him plummeting down into a political abyss.
On August 12, 2005, when Gayyoom dragged his most vocal opponent, Mohamed Nasheed, the Chairperson of the Maldivian Democratic Party, from the Republican Square to the adjacent headquarters of the Maldives Police Services, like a sack of potatoes and charged him with terrorism, he may have figured that his problems were over. Little did he realize that he had set in motion a chain of events which can have only one plausible ending: it marked the beginning of the end of his 27 year old love-affair with power.
The arrest of Nasheed (Anni) started a chain reaction that began with the masses uprising against Gayyoom and battling his police forces on the streets of the capital Male'. The unrest spread to the outlying islands, with the result that Gayyoom temporarily lost control of the two most densely populated atolls, the Addu and the Huvadhu chain.
President Gayyoom reacted with brute force, slamming down on all opposition and throwing the fear of Adam Zahir - his loyal Police Chief and professional torturer – into the masses. Gayyoom was able to regain his authority once more, a semblance of calm prevailing on the outside while the people seething with rage, were held in check by fear of Gayyoom's retribution.
While the opposition forces were thrown into disarray, Gayyoom delivered, what he figured was the coup de grace. He convinced a one-time erstwhile opponent, Qasim Ibrahim, backed by his millions of dollars, to join his fledgling party, the DRP. He may have thought that with this seemingly deft move that he'd get the big businessmen wavering on the edge of the political spectrum to join his party and thereby start a stampede of the masses which would ultimately help him regain his lost popularity.
Gayyoom did manage to divide the opposition MDP to some extent and weaken their ranks, but what he had not reckoned was that among the opposition there were a few die-hard elements that refused to be cowed or beaten. And when the European Union and the International Commission of Jurists stepped into the picture and warned Gayyoom off, those wavering amongst the MDP too regained their lost courage and rallied back to the fight.
The EU, with their insistence that ICJ should oversee that Nasheed's terrorism case complied with international norms of fair trial and that political reforms in the Maldives should be carried out with the involvement of both the opposition and the public, did most certainly throw a monkey wrench into the works.
Furthermore, the evidence concocted by the ever-vigilant police using a few simpletons on Thoddu Island fell to pieces when brought under the media microscope. Careful cross-questioning of some residents of Thoddu revealed that the alleged debate supposed to have taken place at the island 'holhuashi' and which formed the bulwark of the prosecution's case against Anni was a complete fabrication: Anni merely happened to walk past the 'holhuashi' on his way to the island jetty.
In order to appease the EU the government proposed that an all-party gathering be held to discuss the reform agenda and the MDP boycotted the meeting on the grounds their Chairperson was detained unlawfully, with the Adhaalath Party following suit
President Gayyoom who had hoped to steam roll the MDP Chairperson's case through the courts suddenly found himself on the defensive, looking for any excuse to delay passing judgment on Anni: he had inadvertently got embroiled in his own lies.
And into this melee has jumped in the local media. Particularly the Adduvas and Fiyes magazines. Sensing that Gayyoom has lost his teeth, they have begun ripping apart not only Gayyoom but the heretofore untouchable Qasim Ibrahim too. Even Ilyas Ibrahim who had managed to keep out of the limelight has become a media target. Having been muzzled throughout Gayyoom's reign of terror, the press today are having a Roman holiday and enjoying themselves.
